
Pakistan Army Takes Control in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa as Imran Khan’s Political Stronghold Faces Emergency Rule
13 Oct 2026
Created by
The BV Team
The decision to declare emergency in KP Khyber Pakhtunkhwa has ushered a new perilous era of the conflict between the elected civilian government and the military in Pakistan. The political struggle over control in Pakistan and over the meaningful autonomy of its provinces has increasingly become one over the future of Imran Khan's Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) and what Islamabad terms as a “necessary response” to terrorism. At the heart of the issue is Pakistan's formidable military establishment which has now become a dominant force in the nation's life, with its growing influence casting doubt on the country's constitutional system and economic stability.
The president, Asif Ali Zardari, on 11 October imposed a governor's rule in the province of KP, suspending the PTI government, and caught the province in emergency. To be backed by the federal government headed by Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, the decision involves extraordinary administration for six months, extendable. The government has invoked Article 232 and 234 of the Constitution of Pakistan for its intervention.
The importance cannot be confined to Peshawar. KP is the main point of provincial force for PTI. It has effectively taken away a key governing platform from Islamabad's elected government and boosted Islamabad's control over a highly political raw materials province.
The situation deteriorated with no other choice, the federal government says. The provincial government leadership is blamed for not taking any action against the militant Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) which has repeatedly attacked Pakistani security forces and civilians and was behind the violence on Wednesday. Information Minister Attaullah Tarar is even more explicit in his allegations that there was a section in the suspended administration that supported militants. PTI has dismissed these claims and the government has not conclusively proved them in an independent court.
The political ramifications are more troubling especially with the suspended chief minister Sohail Afridi having led protests demanding Khan's release. His arrest, among those of supporters of the PTI and some members of Khan's family, has thus far bolstered the opposition claims that counterterrorism measures are being used to quell political opposition.
The crisis is a problem as well as an opportunity to Army Chief Gen Asim Munir. More military power would enable better coordination of operations against insurgent networks. Nevertheless, the military forces are also directly responsible for ensuring security in the province, where successive military offensives have failed to achieve lasting peace.
The militant threat in Pakistan is significant. Figures in recent reporting of the Afghanistan-Pakistan standoff indicate that the area has seen over 2,800 militant attacks in 2026 with around 3,000 casualties. These are just statistics of the national security crisis and should not be used as a measure of how many casualties were recorded within Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.
Islamabad claims that thousands of TTP militants are operating from Afghan soil. The Pakistani government has estimated that there are around 6,000 militants operating on the other side of the border, but Kabul denied they allow Afghan territory to be used against Pakistan. This has triggered a diplomatic row that has led to border clashes and military strikes, as well as increasing mistrust between two governments that have had a rocky relationship since the Taliban regained control of Afghanistan in 2021.
But Afghanistan is not the only explanation for Pakistan's problems. Sparse civilian institutions, underdevelopment and political interference, combined with decades of inconsistent militant policies, have helped to create the current instability. While a higher concentration of troops can help to break up armed groups, it cannot solve the problem of the conditions behind the growth of insurgencies on its own.
The economic impact might be just as severe. KP is a vital trade hub between Pakistan and Afghanistan, and it further connects to the markets in Central Asia. Disruptions to border crossings, freight lines, and wholesale markets impact transport companies, agricultural traders, small manufacturers, and firms already facing high cost of finance and uncertain demand.
The economy of Pakistan is still sensitive to external financing constraints, reliance on imports and limited tax base. Military logistics, policing and displaced-person assistance and infrastructure protection are other extra cost requirements for emergency administration. Each extra spending on internal security takes away funds that could be spent on education, health care, irrigation and productive investment.
The commercial importance of the province is also related to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. While investments in CPEC are spread throughout the country, the uncertainty in the northwest of Pakistan is undermining the wider connectivity plans, such as the proposed trade routes to Afghanistan and Central Asia. Not only project profitability, but also political continuity, insurance, personnel security and transport route reliability are key factors for assessing Pakistan's infrastructure opportunities.
But there is the other aspect of Pakistan's involvement in the Gulf and that is a further complication. Islamabad is being stressed to further back Saudi Arabia as the regional security stand-off between Yemen's Houthis escalates. Saudi financial aid, remittances of the Pakistani expatriates and military ties are powerful drivers for Islamabad's strategic thinking. Straining the military and fiscal resources of Pakistan by deploying resources elsewhere at the same time as facing a growing violence at home.Spending resources in a foreign land while battling a rising insurgency in the motherland.
In India, developments must be monitored rather than over-anticipated, as far as confrontation is concerned. The turmoil on Pakistan's western border could cause military forces to divert from their eastern deployments. Similarly, a military unit that is under domestic attack may try to shore up its political standing through increased nationalistic rhetoric. None of that is a foregone conclusion and real troop rotations would be more significant than rhetoric.
The main issue is whether emergency rule will provide security or exacerbate the grievance of a people already trapped between militancy and military action and political confrontation. While federal intervention will provide short-term administration, it will be costly in terms of institutions to suspend an elected government.
The leadership of Pakistan is now facing a dilemma that it has created for itself. It strives for a political peace based on unparalleled force and undermines regular democratic processes to achieve a lasting peace. The provincial administration will no longer be responsible for improving security if it fails to deliver tangible results, but increasingly it will be the federal government and military leadership.








