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When "vested interests" becomes the government's favourite alibi, nobody fixes the exam

23 Jul 2026

Created by

The BV Team

The Indian harvest of the largest entrance test always goes awry into a scandal. Even officials grapplings to label the protesting students as pawns of some unnamed manipulators, coaching lobbies, opposition parties, “anti-national elements” you pick. Occurred in 2020 when Karnataka deputy chief minister blamed the critics who were trying to defame the exam from its inception. Paper leaks in Bihar and Jharkhand which occurred again in 2024 led to protests outside Jantar Mantar in summer, with effigies being burned and detentions of protesters. It is repeating itself again this week as another generation of protesters, who have formed a satirical group called the Cockroach Janta Party, camped only a kilometre away from the Parliament demanding the resignation of Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan.


The ongoing disturbances are linked to the CJP which was started by a digital strategist Abhijeet Dipke and is a part of political satire, holding sit-ins on 6 June due to NEET-UG paper leakage and irregularities in on-screen marking done by the CBSE. Adding to this, what was once a fringe demonstration has made a mark on the national agenda on 28 June, when Ladakhi engineer and climate activist Sonam Wangchuk joined the initiative and started an indefinite hunger strike, along with six students from All India Students Association. Since then, a stream of students from the Students Federation of India, the All India Students Federation, and dozens of unaffiliated college unions has flooded the capital, and the one protest against a single exam now becomes a referendum on the operations of the entire public examination in India.


However, things went sour on 20 July, when several thousand protesters attempted to march from Jantar Mantar to Parliament with the slogan Sansad Chalo. The march was broken up by the Delhi Police, who used batons and tear gas to disperse the crowd, leaving both protesters and police officers injured. On Thursday morning, Delhi Metro Rail Corporation (DMRC) closed 16 stations in the capital, including Rajiv Chowk, Patel Chowk and the Central Secretariat, as it has done nearly every day since the protest site started to overflow. Now, a petition has been filed before the Delhi High Court for a National Investigation Agency probe into the events of 20 July and there have been no less than four instances of disruption on the floor of both Houses of Parliament over the government's response to the demonstrations.


The government's answer has been the same one that has been used in the past surface modifications. Ministers and spokespeople keep distinguishing between what they see as "authentic" student grievances that they are willing to address and what they consider to be an "agitation" supposedly being orchestrated by opportunist politicians for political gain. The framing has been met with fierce resistance from Wangchuk's own family. His wife, the educator Gitanjali Angmo, wrote this week in publicly expressing her agony at seeing students "portrayed negatively in the media," and the sit-in at Jantar Mantar had been peaceful and unrelated incidents of violence had taken place in other parts of Delhi had been being used to "discredit" the sit-in. Her appeal resonated with more than mere frustration, it was a crisis of institutional trust and manufactured dissent that's made more harm to public trust than the original paper leak.


Take away the political rhetoric and the facts tell their own uncomfortable tale. This year, nearly 22 lakh students appeared in the NEET-UG examination, and even if the exam is conducted in a manner that is absolutely clean, the approximate ratio of one in every ten students will not be able to get a seat in medical colleges across the country. The coaching industry to become a business larger than fifty-eight thousand crore rupees about seven billion dollars, expanding at a rate of fifteen to twenty percent annually and that by some estimates will exceed one lakh thirty thousand crore rupees, or approximately one hundred thirty billion dollars, by the end of the decade. All leakages, all re-tests, all late arrivals in the results, all this contributes to this parallel economy, pushing desperate families further towards the arms of private tutors who offer to game whatever comes next. Economists analysing the industry are unequivocal, "coaching is not a gap in the education system in India, it's a rent-seeking business from a system that the state has allowed to continue for decades".


It's in this sense that the political definition of “vested interests” comes undone. It is not the students as they march towards Parliament that are benefiting from the shadowy lobby's reputation of being untrustworthy of the National Testing Agency. The single biggest subsidy that the coaching economy has ever had is a national testing infrastructure that continues to fail to get question papers, standardise on-screen testing or communicate clearly with candidates. Each new scandal is, essentially, a marketing opportunity for a business that profits when families lose faith in the government's own exam, based on its own merit.


Looked at from abroad, the episode has been playing out in any economy based on high stakes, low capacity public exams, from China's gaokao controversies to South Korea's Suneung leak scares. The state in every instance will cling to the integrity of the exam, with the result of every time that the exam is sacrificed in the short term for the sake of maintained order. India's unique vulnerability lies in scale – with about one-third of its population less than 30 and a rapidly expanding workforce relying on credentialed pathways for access to medicine, engineering and civil service jobs, any compromise in the integrity of these exams has repercussions in the labour market, property prices in coaching centres such as Kota, and household savings that families have already invested in years of preparation.


The protesters at Jantar Mantar are not just demanding the resignation of one minister but a tangible pledge that the structure behind the exam will be remodeled, not merely patched. Resignations fill a news cycle, while audited software, verified printing chains and an examination body protected from ministerial shuffles satisfy a generation of students that have seen this scandal played out on a two-year loop. As long as that lesson is not learned in North Block, the term “vested interests” will continue to be cited, the Parliament metro stations will continue to be closed at the drop of a dime, and the coaching economy outside the frame will continue to grow stealthily while those around the world snap it up.

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